Guide London Docklands. Urban Design in an Age of Deregulation

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There is the same sense of a city possessed by tremendous economic forces. The rules and regulations drawn up for the measured control of development in quieter times can no longer be made to fit. The forces of movement have seized the initiative and, on every side, there are indications that it is not time to pause, but rather to spring onto the back of the Celtic Tiger and ride, ride, ride.

Fifteen years ago, just this kind of wild mixture of energy and excitement led to the transformation of London's Docklands, a process that really began when work started on the great 1. Today, it is not too much to say that this project, together with the new roads, railways, underground lines and airport that it subsequently drew into its ambit, was responsible for a shift in the centre of gravity of London. Built two miles downriver from the Bank of England, the first phase of Canary Wharf, incorporating the then tallest office tower in Europe, not only stimulated matching development in the City of London, but opened up the space between the two for the first time.

As a result, the old East End and the riverside boroughs of the Thames entered into an era of redevelopment that would otherwise have taken a century to achieve.

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It goes without saying that, even in boom times, such changes take time. In urban planning, as in education, every new scheme adopted means an old plan abandoned, and Canary Wharf was no exception. At its inception, the very idea of its ultimate total of 1. In their view, the scheme was out of scale with its surroundings and in the wrong place, "ruining the view from Greenwich Park.

But then, measures to raise the scale of a city call for tremendous stamina. Indeed it is only now, 10 years after the completion of the first phase, with the second and third phases on site and 10, jobs already created, that Canary Wharf has finally become the enterprise showcase of Tony Blair's New Labour government. AND so to Dublin, where the controversy surrounding the proposed , square metre Spencer Dock development - the largest planning application ever laid before Dublin Corporation for the largest brownfield site in Ireland - seems in so many ways to be following the course charted by Canary Wharf.

Like the Wharf, the Dock is a mixed use project for a vast waterfront site that is now largely derelict. Like the Wharf, the Dock has been conceived as a complete urban precinct with housing as well as offices and civic amenities.

It will have no less than 7, car-parking spaces and some tall buildings though by no means as tall as the tallest at Canary Wharf. Instead, it consists of state-of-the-art large commercial office floor plates, a university technology centre, hotel bedrooms, numerous retail outlets, 3, apartments, a carefully designed public open square, a canalside linear park, a new railway station and restored listed buildings. More to the point as regards its prospects of success is the fact that, like Canary Wharf again, Spencer Dock betrays the influence of North American urban design.

Kevin Roche's special position as an Irish national with a strong international reputation is the key to the popular acceptability as well as the architectural credibility of the Spencer Dock project, just as the galaxy of stars assembled by the original developers was for the success of Canary Wharf. An epic structure dominated by a vast inclined glass cylinder, the importance of this building to the current planning application for the first phase of the work is impossible to overstate.

Like the status of Roche as master planner and architect, this act of faith in the city elevates the status of the project. Critics who carp at the large amount of supporting accommodation called for by the developers, fall silent at the thought of losing the NCC without it. In the same way, critics who complain that they do not yet know what all the supporting buildings will look like, are given pause by Kevin Roche's standing in the architectural firmament. In Dublin, in return for planning permission for , sq m of lettable accommodation, the Spencer Dock consortium is offering to underwrite the construction cost and lifetime operating losses of the NCC, as well as providing a combined heat and power generating station and a rail station as part of a future high-speed link to the airport.

It is the convention in conservative architectural circles to deplore large plans and periods of rapid development. Planners and academics shake their heads as the number of planning applications and appeals increases, the number of controversies rises, and the helter-skelter of economic opportunity takes command. But history shows us that it is in such times that great things can be done. The reclamation of docks derelict for a century; the completion of a motorway network; the extension and connection of light and heavy railways.

In short the ratcheting up of the scale of a city, so that it faces its future as well as protecting its past.

SOUTHWARK | Southwark Notes - whose regeneration?

THE Spencer Dock project is just such an opportunity, its very "Americanism" evidence not of a clumsy rejection of "European" scale, but of a sure grasp of the needs of a city of the future, giving Dublin a model for tomorrow. Some weeks ago, the Spencer Dock planning application was fielded by Dublin Corporation with a request for further information.

This has the potential to be emulated in other parts of the world for natural prote ction and growing citizen projections. PAGE 33!

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Western European Attitudes Dutch Views " Density has always been an issue because we are such a small country and we have to be dense and we have to build in a dense way" de Vletter, M. The master planner architect of the MRP case study mentions, " Amsterdam in the early nineties did not follow what all the other Dutch cities did in building suburbs.

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  • They planners and population were afraid of it du e to the idea that all the landscape around Amsterdam is beautiful and precious. So in Amsterdam there is a real conscious about the beauty of this landscape and it should not be killed by suburbia" Geuze, A. The Dutch are recognized worldwide for their pride of their natural surroundings and opt to protect as much land as possible not only for their enjoyment as a nation but for the conservation and preservation of these open landscapes , therefore m aking concentration of urbanization the preferred method of planning and construction.

    Under the basic principles of the National Policy Document on Spatial Planning of , "Urban development should take place in or around existing towns and cities. I n this way, it is hoped to preserve open countryside and agricultural land, to keep towns and cities viable and able to sustain high quality transport, and to reduce mobility" Needham, B.

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    • Because of its relatively small size compared to other European countries, compactness has always been part of the building formula, especially in Amsterdam , keeping the tradition of medieval city and sustainable planning in check. Aside from its size , compactness is strongly stimulated in terrains that can withstand settlements since 24 per cent of the country is below sea level and prone to flooding , so the Dutch have concrete notions, understanding s , and planning capacity for t he organization o f the country.

      In Dr. Needham's book, PAGE 34! Needham also mentions that following the Fourth National Policy Document on Spatial Planning, when looking for new development outside of Amsterdam, it must be as near as possible to existing towns and cities as well as to public transportation, employment , and recreational facilities. This was complemented by a strong policy for protecting the open countryside" Needham, B. The seven urban regions mentioned i ncluded the major urban cities in the Netherlands such as Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and The Hague. The respect for natural and ag ricultural space, as well as compact design is evident.

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      This c o mpact design , in return, has created a diverse mix in terms of ho using and social sectors. The idea is that establishing different housing alternatives under the redeveloped area stimulates bonding between people , keeps them in the city, and grows affection s for the area. The people seem to be keen to the process and social acceptance is viewed as something positive, although as one of the planners involved argues it is something that relates specifically to the Netherlands; contextual issues were at play during the phases of redevelopment.

      PAGE 35! T hese mixes could be functioning in the real estate terms or in social terms" Geuze, A.

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      Amsterdam's Senior Urban Designer Ton Schaap also states in rega rds to Borneo Sporenburg and social mix that " there has been a main point on the Amsterdam agenda to mix the different groups, I think that is social mix a kind of combination that goes for successful cities. The beginning of the agenda there was only s ocial housing and then gradually it changed into also keeping the middle income people into the city, and at the end o f the whole operation it was 70 per cent houses for the middle income groups, a little bit for the higher in come groups, and still 30 per cent soc ial housing" Schaap, T.

      PAGE 36! Age, social structure s, and culture are among the influential components that determine how, where and why things work in the redevelopment of a place. Since the MRP presents a case study example of another Western European country to analyze its waterfront redevelopment, in this case Engla nd, British views will be evaluated as well. A housing survey carried out for the government in England in the mid 's demonstrated that 76 per cent of the population l iving in dense areas were pleased living in them, stating , and generally agreeing that benefits from these zones included: better transportation services, shopping facilities, and urban appeal from revitalization.

      The study took into consideration social status conditions and age in order to fully understand the differences between the population groups. The survey showed that people from higher social sectors tended to have concerns with the process since it might alter the urban quality, essence and resi dential character of the area and that they have more to lose from such intensification changes. In regards to age , g eneral ly speaking intensification was well received especially among younger generations and most people who reside in them that feel optim istic about dense communities.

      The survey concluded that p eople in mixed use, central urban areas appear to be tolerant of change. In these PAGE 37! It can be argued that since cities provide a wide range of services and recreational opportunities, younger generations will accept compact construction for urban redevelopment faster than other generations. Their penchant for more individualized and, arguably, more reflexive lifestyles kept them in the cities where they graduated or they moved to other cities where they could find the jobs and the amenities to support and develop a certain lifestyle" Kloosterman, R.

      An ongoing history of Rotherhithe's South Dock

      Results from age factors indicated that although it is a favorable practice among the general population, older folks have more reservations towards the issue and might view this practice as altering the essence a nd characteristics of an area; that could refer to tranquility , physical form which could modify property values , and culture. But culture could be just what can p ersuade them to stay and help with intensification issues. PAGE 38! Culture Cultural programs are too l s that can be helpful in achieving social cohesion and identity , especially in small dense areas.